Friday, November 29, 2019

National Bank of Brunei free essay sample

One case from Brunei concerns Khoo Teck Phuat and his son Khoo Ban Hock. The latter was managing director of NBB w. Under his charge, the bank loaned more than Brunei $1 billion (which is equivalent to Singapore $1 billion) to companies controlled by his father. These loans were undocumented and unsecured. It was claimed that these offences under Brunei banking laws by Khoo Ban Hock were committed under the control and his direction of his father. When this dishonesty was discovered, the younger Khoo was sentenced to 3 years jail but later only served two. The elder Mr Khoo was not charged, but it was understood that he made restitution of about S$600 million to cover the losses suffered by various party. Mr Khoo Teck Puat later went on to become a billionaire, and was of the largest shareholders in megabank Standard Chartered when he died in 2004. However, after the NBB scandal, he kept a low profile. We will write a custom essay sample on National Bank of Brunei or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Tan Sri Khoo Teck Puat (Chinese: ; pinyin: Qiu Deba; Pe? h-oe-ji: Khu Tik-pua? t) a banker and hotel owner, who, with an estimated fortune of $4. 3 billion, was formerly Singapores wealthiest man. He owned the Goodwood Group of boutique hotels in London and Singapore and was the largest single shareholder of Britains Standard Chartered Bank. The bulk of his fortune came from shares in British bank Standard Chartered, which he bought up in the 1980s to help thwart Lloyds Banks proposed acquisition which many financiers deemed hostile. TheGoodwood Park Hotel in Singapore, built in 1900, is a historic landmark that recently underwent restoration. He was ranked as the 108th richest person in the world by Forbes magazine in 2004. [4] The estate of Tan Sri Khoo Teck Puat had donated $80 million to Duke University. 5] Khoo gained his early education at Saint Josephs Institution in 1930. He was educated up to Standard 8 prior to his marriage at the age of 17, and started working in OCBC bank as an Apprentice Bank Clerk by 1933. While attached with OCBC, Khoo served as the Chairman of CPF Board for a year in 1958. His rise in OCBC was rapid and he developed strong ties with Tan Chin Tu an until they had a difference of opinion which resulted him leaving OCBC in 1959 as the General Manager. He argued that OCBC was growing far too slowly and not opening enough branches in the smaller towns in Peninsular Malaya. In 1960, Khoo restarted his career in banking by founding Malayan Banking (now commonly known as Maybank) with a few partners in Kuala Lumpur. The bank grew rapidly to more than 150 branches within 3 years. In 1963, the bank purchased Goodwood Park Hotel, Singapore for $4. 8 million. In 1965, Khoo was ousted from Maybank by the Government of Malaysia under the then Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak administration on the pretext of pumping the banks money into his own private firm in Singapore. The political enmity between Singapore and Malaysia has taken its toll. In 1968, Khoo bought over the Malayan Bankings Singapore properties including Goodwood Park Hotel and Central Properties for $50 million. While bitter with what the Malaysian government did, Khoo remained patriotic and kept his Malaysian citizenship. He ceased to be a director of Maybank in 1976. Though he had opened National bank of Brunei in the 1960s, his search for a legitimate banking vehicle continued. In 1981, Khoo bought Australias Southern Pacific Hotel Corp parent of the Travelodge chain. He sold it in 1988 as part of his asset liquidation process to make restitution to the Brunei government. In 1986 an opportunity arose when as a white knight, Khoo made a dramatic acquisition of a 5% stake in Standard Chartered Bank. He subsequently grew his stake to almost 15% to become the single largest shareholder. In 1990, Khoo made a contribution of S$10 million to the Singapore Governments 25th anniversary charity fund to help children, the elderly and the disabled. He was listed as Singapores richest businessman by Forbes magazine in 2003. When he died in 2004, he left his Standard Chartered stake, then approximately 11. 5%, to his children. They sold it to Singapores Temasek Holdings in March, 2006.

Monday, November 25, 2019

Movie Review Commando by Mark L. Lester

Movie Review Commando by Mark L. Lester Chances are, you’ve heard about a movie called Commando, starring Arnold Schwarzenegger and directed by Mark L. Lester, because it is, in my view, the greatest classical movie of all time.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Movie Review: â€Å"Commando† by Mark L. Lester specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Released in 1985, the film to a large extent exemplifies the stereotypical 1980’s action movie, which packaged top-of-the-range violence, sharp and humorous one liners, and a simple and easy to follow plot concerning some sort of mercenary activity, kidnapping or military affair (Stevens para. 1). Commando’s cheesy plot, sharp one liner dialogue, and wild action, in my view, makes the film a timeless classic that is bound to continue making inroads in the entertainment industry as we progress deeper into the 21st century. Apart from Schwarzenegger, who acts as John Matrix, the other members of the main cast include Alyssa Milano (Jenny Matrix), Dan Hedaya (Arius), Vernon Wells (Benett), Rae Dawn Chong (Cindy), Bill Duke (Cooke), David Patrick Kelly (Sully), and James Olson (Major General Franklin Kirby). The movie’s protagonists include John matrix, Jenny Matrix, Cindy and General Kirby, while the antagonists’ include Arius, Bennett, Cooke and Sully (Lester para. 5-12). Overall, it is these characters that will continue to reverberate across major movie screens and theaters across the world as they showcase their well-groomed talents in this mouth-watering action film directed by Lester and produced by another movie great – Joel Silver. Written by Steven E. de Souza, Commando’s story develops along a continuum that is well understood by avid television or movie watchers who take time to watch other classical action movies, that is, one man killing machine against a bunch of bad guys who will stop at nothing to perpetuate their own selfish inte rests.Advertising Looking for essay on art and design? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More In Summary, the story is as follows: Retired Special Forces Operative Colonel John Matrix and his daughter Jenny live happily in a secluded mountainous region, but one day General Franklin Kirby come calling to warn Matrix of a group of mercenaries that have been killing retired military personnel who used to work with Matrix. What Kirby doesn’t know is that the mercenaries have been trailing them, and even faked the death of retired military man, Benett, so that they could lay their hands on Matrix, who is wanted by the head of the mercenary group, Arius, to overthrow a seating president (Lester para. 12). The mercenaries kill Kirby’s men and then hijack Matrix’ daughter, Jenny, to force him to play along, but what follows is a specter of violence and intelligent one-liners that provides an unforgettable exper ience to movie viewers. Matrix is tranquilized before being taken to Arius, who instructs him that he must travel to Val Verde and unseat the serving president if he wants to be reunited with his daughter. Matrix lazily agrees though he uses his popular and decisive one-liners to warn Bennett, his fellow military compatriot, that ‘he will be back’ (Stevens para. 2). It is imperative to note that these one-liners add a unique glow to the movie, while elevating the viewer’s suspense to heart-throbbing levels. What follows is a form of violence and raw firepower that few films of contemporary times have been able to match. Matrix engages in a murderous exercise, wiping all the bad guys as he forces his way to find his loving daughter. It is at this juncture when he runs into an off-duty air hostess, Cindy, who reluctantly promises to assist Matrix find his daughter upon the use of yet another one-liner – â€Å"trust me.† Matrix engages in a one-man sho w, kills all the bad guys serving in Arius’ private army before killing Arius in a gun fight.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Movie Review: â€Å"Commando† by Mark L. Lester specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The climax pits two ex-military men who were friends turned enemies – Matrix and Benett. After a prolonged and enticing fight, Matrix savagely kills Benett and rescues his daughter Jenny. Some critics, as noted in various quarters, may find such a plot simplistic and overly repulsive, thus shun this masterpiece and move on (Stevens para. 2). But upon critical analysis of the movie, viewers will notice that its theme, along with its cheesiness, soundtrack and predictability, are important attributes that have made it withstand the test of time. The theme is plain simple in that it exemplifies a parent’s love for his own child, and the length he is willing to go to rescue her from a bunc h of South American mercenaries guided by self-seeking interests (Lester para. 1). Although such a theme finds more appeal among parents with children of their own, it could be a good starting point for college students to understand how it feels for one to be denied the love of his or her children. The rocking saxophone-driven soundtrack not only prepares viewers for explosive confrontations in the movie involving Matrix and the mercenaries but also gets the viewers moving in their seats (Lester para. 1). The action-filled and funny one-liners are hard to ignore, not mentioning that they make viewers want to listen more to the varied conversations involving Matrix and the other characters. The success of this movie is capped off by outstanding special effects and a vivid acting setting, which adds color, splendor and opulence to the scenes. Indeed, many of the scenes are captured in broad daylight in multiple locations in California and the Pacific Coast.Advertising Looking for essay on art and design? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Of course critics will ultimately dwell on the plot’s simplicity and the level of violence witnessed in the movie to discount it as unfit for many undeserving reasons. However, movie goers should take time to understand the film’s theme, then digress what they could have done if they were to be faced with a situation similar to what befell Matrix: many, if not all, would have gone into a killing spree to save their loved ones from the bad guys. Consequently, it is understandable to say that this film is a classical masterpiece of cinematography, deserving the highest acknowledgment and attention from viewers of all walks of life – college students included. Lester, Mark L. Commando is the Best Film Ever, PT. 1. n.d. Web. Stevens, Matt. Why Commando is a Great Movie. 2011. Web.

Friday, November 22, 2019

Journal Articles Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Journal Articles - Article Example The Democratic Party’s intense support for the principle of the Manifest Destiny, through the policies of the Democrat President James K. Polk, was the impetus of the war which moulded the nation (Apilado, 2011). The turn of events and the feats of the American political affairs at that time were discussed in Michael A. Morrison’s article "'New Territory versus No Territory': The Whig Party and the Politics of Western Expansion, 1846-1848" published on the Western Historical Quarterly. The History of 1846-1848 in the Eyes of Morrison The important arguments presented in Morrison’s article all revolve on the significant events of the Mexican-American War and the political affairs behind it. It analyses the dispute between important politicians of that time which emphasizes on the debate of the US territorial expansion. The pieces of evidence that the author uses in the article explicitly shows the partisan politics that delves on the politicians’ conviction on the use of force in order to achieve more territories and the otherwise. Morrison also tackles the views of the Democrat Federal government with concerns to the Congressional oppositions that Polk’s policies have met at the duration of the war. ... The article, in general, is a political analysis of the early American nation and the accompanying effects which ultimately manifest to the territorial expansion of the country. The author had written it in such a way that his arguments revolve on the different political sides and sentiments of the federal policy to sustain the two-year war with Mexico. More importantly, Morrison’s article creates much area for debate when it comes to the principles of the respective political parties at that time. It establishes insights on the partisan decisions of the federal government and the gravity of oppositions that the policies meet from staunch political rivals in the Congress. Manifest Destiny and Partisan Politics: the Dispute between the Whigs and the Democrats In the course of the American history, the principle of the Manifest Destiny had underwent through numerous developments which proved its full effect upon the formation of what is known to be the existing territorial expan se of the American nation. The principle simply states the use of conquest or force through military might which can award the nation more territories. The desire for further expansion after the nation’s freedom from the British colonial rule had manifested in many policies that the federal government had taken. A perfect example of this can be seen during the presidency of James Monroe and his Monroe Doctrine in the 1820s. The Monroe Doctrine explicitly stated the expulsion of any influence of any European power in the Americas and the propagation of the idea of Pan Americanism. Although Manifest Destiny was not a direct policy basis for the Monroe Doctrine, the very idea of territorial control was an emergent effect of President Monroe’s policy. The

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Accounting Controversies Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Accounting Controversies - Essay Example Deception was the name of the game for Enron. They concealed their controversial and suspicious dealings and transaction with their growing debt so that they appear debt-free and admirable to stockholders and the public. At last, every lie and cover up was made known to many when the company suddenly and unexpectedly filed for Chapter 11 Bankruptcy. That was their last resort. Not even company partnerships and affiliations could save the money and the glory of Enron. When the news of bankruptcy of Enron was revealed, the reasons behind Enron’s downfall remained unclear and uncertain. There were mixed reactions among businessmen, politicians, stockholders and others. Most of them were enraged while some felt concerned. There were those who were not surprise that the discrepancies with the financial statements could actually happen. It was as if it was the common habit among those who wish to decrease their debt. Questions such as the reason behind the downfall as well as the possible ways and means for preventing bankruptcy rose among the interested public. What hindered the company or the government from foreseeing the end of Enron? Was there money laundering or fraud behind the scandal? If there was, has the laws implemented by the government sufficient to verify the financial records of Enron? To shed light on the Enron controversy, a whistleblower, Sherron Watkins, decided to confess all the financial secrets of the company. The government took its role by initiating an investigation powered up by some of the congressional committees. Aside from Watkins, other key players admitted their involvement and decided to testify while some still pleads not guilty. The involvement of an accounting firm as reputable as Arthur Andersen with the controversy, heightened the interest of the public as well as legislators, economists and politicians. The firm also experienced a great loss even though the verdict has not yet been announced. Their clients retracted their loyalty and shifted to other competitive firms. Some employees resigned and sought other jobs from other companies. The accounting firm did a great job on the falsification and manipulation of Enron's financial statements that the discrepancies remained unnoticed to the public and to the government. The implications of the scandal in the political arena was expected since it had close ties with the White House due to the fact that the once prestigious company spent millions of dollars to support Bush's presidential campaign last 2002 elections. Aside from that, Enron's chief executive had personal and friendly relationships with Bush. The latter distanced from Kenneth Lay to prevent any public misconceptions. The investigations of the scandal also revealed that the company requested the presence of two US cabinet members preceding their file for bankruptcy. Even the current vice-president Dick Cheney did not escape the political associations between the government and Enron. The vice resident had several meetings with the executives of the company in lieu of their energy administration plans. The economic implications of the Enron case included the accounting industry's review of their financial policies with the fear of having the same fate as Enron. Other companies who also used the same aggressive accounting methods as Enron have been affected. They steered away from the limelight and have seemed to have lay-low for the meantime while the issues are still steaming. Enron was not the only one negatively affected by the scandal for the same fate went to Arthur Andersen. He was found guilty of destruction of financial records which

Monday, November 18, 2019

Effects of Information Systems on Decision-Making Process Research Paper

Effects of Information Systems on Decision-Making Process - Research Paper Example Influence of internet in the decision making process â€Å"When it comes to driving consumer decisions about a range of products and services, the Internet is by far the most influential media channel† (Hillard & Harris, 2010). People explore details on in internet before they take most of their purchasing decisions. Since internet has reduced the distance between people and place, it is possible for a consumer staying India to purchase a product from America or Europe. So they will compare the prices of a product in domestic market and international market before taking decisions about whether to purchase that product from domestic market or international market. Moreover, people take purchasing decisions after analyzing the product reviews published on internet. For example, iPhones and Samsung Galaxy S2 are fast moving cellphones in the market at present. People rely heavily on internet to read the reviews of these products from internet before taking their purchasing decis ions. â€Å"Internet users report that online resources not only allow them to quickly and easily compare options, but also to seek out expert and peer advice that enables them to act with greater confidence†(McRoberts, 2010). ... For example, today, many of the Americans were asked to work in China on deputation in order to help their organizations to establish its business units there. Before taking a decision about whether to proceed to China or not, these people search the internet to know more about the political, social and professional climate in China. Before advancing further in education, teenagers leaving from schools will often search internet to decide about the courses they wanted to study in colleges. It is not necessary that all the courses offered in a college have equal job potentials. So people often search internet to know more about the job potentials of certain course before taking decisions about whether to accept it or not. Internet can advise people in taking their healthcare decisions also. For example, keloid is a severe skin problem which occurs due to repeated injuries at a particular portion. Even though surgical removal of keloid is possible, the chances of reoccurrence are immen se. There are other therapies also for keloid like laser treatments, radiation therapy etc. However, all these treatments have some kind of side effects. A person suffering from keloid can search internet to know more about the pros and cons of each keloid treatment before opting for a particular treatment. In other words, internet can help people in taking decisions about using certain drugs or therapies for removing some of their health problems. Internet can help a person to plan his journey properly. â€Å"Internet can now be used to inquire about the flight timings and delays which make it easier to plan for the departure time† (Effect of Internet on our daily lives, 2008).

Saturday, November 16, 2019

History and Influences on South East Asia

History and Influences on South East Asia CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION If there were only two men in the world, how would they get on? They would help one another, harm one another, flatter one another, slander one another, fight one another, make it up, they could neither live together nor do without one another Philosophical Dictionary, 1764 Increasing role of China in South Asia has attracted the attention of the policy framers as well as scholars. Its foreign policy towards Southeast Asia has varied from indifference to hostility, but Chinese interest in the region has persisted since 1949. While India occupies a vital position in the Chinese calculation, there are discernible variations in Chinese policy towards other states in the region. The behaviour of Southeast Asian states towards China has also varied. Notwithstanding the persistence of the Indian factor in their perceptions, we observe different response to Chinese behaviour and policy in these states. Chinese foreign policy is undergoing a metamorphosis never seen in the history of the Peoples Republic (PRC). The country has enjoyed a more secure place in the world than before, yet it has remained dissatisfied with its international status. Chinas quest for international legitimacy and a positive image is tested by its pursuit of security interests and the power politics logic of its own and other states. Chinese foreign policy strategy has equally stressed the need to protect its national interest in a threatening world and the struggle to remold the international environment in line with its preferences. Clearly PRC foreign policy is complicated, dynamic, and consequential. China has managed to become a rising star in the international arena, both politically and economically. The bipolar world order lasting for nearly half a century came eventually to an abrupt end in the closing months of the 1980s as a result of dramatic changes in Eastern Europe and the so-called post cold w ar era began in the final decade of this century. China has some motivations in the Southeast Asia one of these is China is in pursuit of hegemony[1] in the region, another possibility is primarily defensive an attempt to neutralize the region while China focuses on internal priorities and the third possibility is to have a cooperative structure. India is seeking an expanded role in the international Geo-political arena which includes Asia and Southeast Asia. Indias growing economy ,common energy security interests, national interest, and power projection makes India China a Peer competitor. Beijings current goal in southeast Asia is to maintain a stable environment around its periphery to assure others that China is not threat, and to encourage economic ties that contribute to Chinas economic modernization and thus regime stability. The foreign policy instruments that Beijing has employed to secure its goals are constituent throughout most of Southeast Asia, but the priorities assigned to different strategic goals vary depending on Chinas interest in different part of the region. CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east Asia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian Region.. Justification of the Study The most significant strategic development after the Cold War, is probably the sudden growth in Chinas economic potential and consequent national power. A rapid rise in power of a major country in the past has usually led to tension in the region, conflict with the neighbours and eventually a war. To make an assessment of Chinas posture well into the future is fraught with number of uncertainties. Equally, a projection of that role in the next century would, of necessity, demand an intimate acquaintance with how the Chinese have been involved in their dealings with this part of the world in the past. Above all, how that relationship has evolved, to the present day environment. Idea shall be to restrict the paper and sketch out important events in the near past, which have shaped the present and loom larger than the hoary past on the future that is yet in the limbo. The basic intention in writing this dissertation is To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east As ia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian . A direct question has been addressed whether or not China restricts India from emerging as a global player. Scope Axiomatically any meaningful discussion of Chinas role in Southeast Asia would imply an understanding of its relations with the Indian subcontinent as a whole. Of the worlds great powers, China is geographically the closest to the Southeast Asian countries. It has common borders with Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Caombodia. There is significant cultural similarities far reaching political and strategic repercussions over the past couple of centuries, and has propelled the worlds most populous regions into interaction in a wide variety of ways. From a simple geographical perspective, qualitative changes in the Chinas foreign policy should be expected if China grows from a medium-sized power to superpower. At its present rate of economic growth, Chinas productive capabilities and total wealth will soon outstrip those of the other Asian powers. As a weaker power, Chinas dependence on the favour of its neighbours has been comparatively high. But increased relative capabilities make i t feasible for a rising great power to exert greater control over its surroundings. If the opportunity arises to establish a dominant role in the region, China can be expected to seize it. Thus the scope of this paper has been restricted to Chinese dominance in the Southeast Asian region, which will pose vexing problems for India . An attempt has been made to analyse, how India can focus and counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian. Organisation of Dissertation. The study is proposed to be dealt in the following sequence: Modern History strat influences in South East Asia. Political Economy of South East Asia. Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Indian political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Comparative Analysis of Indian Chinese politico-economic strategies in SE Asia. Recommended response of India to expand its influence in the region. CHAPTER III MODERN HISTORY AND STRATEGIC INFLUENCES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The post-Cold War world is seeing in some areas a resurgence of nationalism and in others a greater emphasis on regionalism. These two tendencies will overlap. In Southeast Asia national and ethnic differences were significantly blunted by European colonialism and in some cases have been further submerged in the post-colonial period of new nation states. But what is new in Southeast Asia is the development of voluntary (as distinct from externally mandated) cooperation on a sub-regional or regional level. Most recently there is the assertion of an Asian identity, shared by Southeast Asians, which is sharply distinguished from Western value systems, social norms and economic models. It is too early to say how far that will be taken or how much it will influence the political and social development of Southeast Asia. The very important differences between and indeed even within the Southeast Asian countries induces some skepticism in academic circles about the existence of Asian values [2] etc. But there is no doubt that there is a perception in the region of some essential shared values or priorities, and a rejection of what are seen as Western individualistic and libertarian values. An embryonic sense of shared interests transcending ethnic or national groups emerged in colonial times between independence movements, student movements and other groups, including notably the various Marxist-inspired or communist movements in the region. But until after the Pacific War there was little connection across the region. The colonial empires were very separate and governed on different principles. It is a common observation nowadays that Australia, on the fringe of the region, only recently and belatedly become aware of and involved with its Southeast Asian neighbors. That is true, though with some qualifications. There was peripheral contact in the north even before the Europeans colonized Australia. But in the colonial era there was no steady development of contact or interest. The shifting patterns of alliance politics in Europe affected such contacts as there were between the colonial administrations in Southeast Asia and Australia, and indeed between the Southeast A sian colonial administrations themselves. Australia was not unique, or even unusual, in having little contact with its neighbors and in having its external links directed principally along the lines laid down by the metropolitan power. What are now the independent nations of Southeast Asia also had little contact with each other during the European colonial period. Just as the lines of communication and trade ran from Melbourne and Sydney to London, so did those between the French, Dutch, and other British colonies and the respective metropolitan powers in Europe. Right up to the Pacific War there was little or no communication between, for example, what are now Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines. The links ran from Manila to the United States, from Batavia to the Netherlands, from Hanoi to France, and so on. It was the remarkable Japanese campaign which began at the end of 1941 which precipitated or accelerated the radical changes which took place between 1945 and the end of the Vietnam war. The sheer speed and success of the Japanese successes against numerically superior defending forces in Southeast Asia made a strong impression on opinion in the erstwhile colonies. The Japanese failed to capitalize on that in the sense that after early political successes in encouraging nationalist and pro-Japanese movements the appeal to shared Asian interests lost plausibility in the face of Japanese policies and actions which were exploitative or worse. Although Japan lost the war and left wounds in the region which are still not healed, the war precipitated the end of the moribund European colonial era, and accelerated the creation of independent states largely within borders established by the colonial empires. For some years trade and other economic links remained predominantly in the old colon ial grooves but with the economic supremacy of the United States and then with Japan embarked on decades of the highest rates of economic growth the world had yet seen, those patterns diversified. In the region the United States and Japan became the two most important outside powers and that was reflected inter alia by their leading roles in the setting up of the Asian Development Bank in 1966. By that time Australia[3] too had perforce diversified its trade away from Britain which had made it clear that it would seek its future economic arrangements in Europe and the Commonwealth arrangements which had supported much of Australias traditional export industry were phased out. Australia turned to Japan and others for new markets (a trade agreement with Japan had already been made in 1957). Australias development assistance programme had from the beginning concentrated on Southeast Asia and become and increasingly important instrument for involving this country with the region, especially as significant numbers of students from the region came to our universities and other institutions under the Colombo Plan and successor programmes.The failure of the attempted coup in Indonesia, the Gestapu of 30 September 1965, and the subsequent establishment of the New Order government there opened the way to overcome the regional or sub-regional strains produced by President Sukarnos eff orts to crush the newly-constructed Malaysia, as well as other tensions created or exacerbated by the Sukarno policies. In this climate ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations, was established in 1967 and set out on its long and successful course of gradually building a sense of common interest and regional association among the six (originally five) members. ASEAN recently embarked on the development of AFTA, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. ASEAN has become the key institution in Southeast Asia not only because of its success in developing a sense of community among its very disparate members, and in finding a road for them to closer economic cooperation. It has also become the forum for discussion with the main world powers on a wide range of matters. This has come about through an annual mechanism of post-Ministerial consultations held after ASEANs own internal consultations through which ASEAN member governments, at Foreign Minister level, meet with their counterparts. These counterparts, termed dialogue partners, currently are Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States. In 1994 discussions on regional security were further developed with the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which groups ASEAN and its dialogue partners with Russia, China, Vietnam, Laos and Papua New Guinea. Looking at the recent evolution of Southeast Asia perhaps the most sig nificant thing has been the change that has occurred since the ending of the Cold War and the collapse of communism. Until relatively recently the centrally planned economy model had much attraction for many developing countries and there was up to the beginning of the eighties quite widespread aversion to capitalism and to the liberal market model as exemplified by the Western industrialized countries. Now virtually all of Southeast Asia is committed to market economics, albeit with more governmental political control than in the Western countries. There is a virtual unanimity about the commitment to economic development based on relatively open markets, private ownership and competition. With that has come a period of unprecedented economic growth. The major economies of Southeast Asia are all growing at rates previously thought unattainable for a sustained period. There are of course some uncertainties about the future; but there are few who doubt that Southeast Asia will early i n the twenty-first century be a major centre of economic power and influence. Southeast Asia has traditionally been a site of great power competition for regional dominance, due to its strategic location as a bridge between continental and maritime East Asia. To manage this competition and to enhance their own sub regional autonomy, the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) engaged in a number of regional institution building initiatives during the early 1990s. This institutionalism agenda led to speculation that ASEAN could become the hub of a nascent regional security community following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, however, the prospect that ASEAN could act as an autonomous entity to mitigate Sino-U.S. geopolitical pressures seemed increasingly tenuous. Weakened by political and economic instability, intra-regional disputes and a simultaneous expansion of its membership, ASEAN has come to question its own identity. This has only further undermined ASEAN-led regional security initiatives such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF ). More frequently, Southeast Asian states have favored bilateralism and have looked to external powers to realize their security interests. These changing sub regional dynamics have, in turn, prompted renewed efforts by China and the United States to cultivate influence within Southeast Asia. Chinas attempts to gain support for its new security concept and US efforts to secure additional access and infrastructure agreements along the East Asian littoral are illustrative. To some extent, Sino-U.S. geopolitical competition has been modified by strategic cooperation resulting from the war on terror. China still remains wary of U.S. attempts to engage Southeast Asia in countering global terrorism. These trends have, in turn, compelled analysts to reconceptualize the Southeast Asian security landscape in a balance of power context. It is clear continental Southeast Asian states have aligned with China and maritime Southeast Asian states have aligned with the United States. The geographi c position of China and the United States, and the evolution of their interests and military capabilities accordingly, make it unlikely that either country would seek to project power into the others respective sphere. Southeast Asian states maintain a position of equidistance between the great powers. She attributes this to the ASEAN states general distrust of great powers and their desire to maintain the delicate Sino-U.S. regional balance. CHAPTER IV POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SOUTH EAST ASIA China sleeps, when she wakes, the World will tremble Napoleon The South east Asian countries over the past four decades has transformed itself from a region with enormous economic and political problems to one blessed with relative peace and prosperity. In particular the five ASEAN economies, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand , grew strongly in the 1960s with an average rate of 6 percent. This buoyant economic performance continued in the 1970s with 7.3 percent as they benefited from the massive inflows of the foreign exchange earnings due to sharp increase in the world price of primary commodities, including two oil shocks which benefited some of the members the same period. In the 1980s the region slowed down to an average growth rate of 6.1 percent. Regional economies experienced recessionary conditions due to high interest rate policy of the US Federal Reserve Bank, the consequent debt crisis in the region, the recession in the ASEANs major trading and investment partners, and the fall in the world prices of the primary commodities. But there was also a positive trend of influx of export- oriented foreign direct investment from Japan and the NIEs following the strong appreciation of their currencies. The recovery from 1991 to 1996 was followed by an economic contraction in 1997-98 due to the crisis which began in Thailand in July 1997 and spread to other parts of the region. In 1999-2000, the ASEAN economies staged a dramatic recovery with Singapore and Malaysia leading, things again turned sour with the September 11 attacks and the lackluster performance of the export sector. There was again a decrease in the economic growth due to the SARS, Iraq cri sis and terrorist related attacks, slump in the electronic market and collapse of the WTO talks in Cancun. The global economy is most rapid in emerging Asia where GDP accelerated to 7.2 percent in 2003, accounting for about 50 per cent of world growth. Looking forward, growth is projected to remain high at 7.4 per cent in 2004 and 7.0 per cent in 2005. The IMF stated that while domestic demand growth has increased significantly in emerging Asia, the regional current account surpluses remain very large, with exports supported by the rebound in the information technology (IT) sector as well as depreciating exchange rates. In the ASEAN-4, Thailand has shown the strongest expansion at 6.7 per cent in 2003, and is expected to remain high at 7 per cent in 2004 and 6.7 per cent in 2005. Cyclical considerations and high levels of public debt necessitate fiscal prudence for Thai authorities. The Malaysian economy is also recovering strongly and is expected to continue with inflation and unemployment remaining at low levels. However, the main policy priorities are the implementation of the announced fiscal consolidation to achieve a balanced budget by the year 2006 and greater exchange rate flexibility accompanied with suitable macroeconomic policies. Indonesias modest growth continues to be driven by private consumption, and has been accompanied with lower inflation. The Indonesian government should continue to implement its planned fiscal consolidation. Moreover, it needs to sustain banking, legal and judicial reforms in order to provide a better investment climate conducive to higher growth. As for the Philippines, uncertainties remain high even after the May 2, 2004 presidential elections. The main concerns of the Philippine government include increasing the tax revenues, restructuring the power sector, strengthening the banking sector, and improving the business system. Following the SARS crisis, the Singapore economy recovered in 2003 with supportive macroeconomic policies. To enhance its medium-term competitiveness and growth prospects, the IMF recommends a deepening and acceleration of reforms including further divestment of government  ­linked companies Issues and Challenges for Southeast Asian/ASEAN Domestic policy issues and challenges. On the domestic front, the growth prospects for ASEAN are very much dependent on various factors including the ability of their respective governments to provide economic, political and social stability, implement economic reforms, and diversify their economies. ASEAN policy makers thus face the following challenges: Sound macroeconomic environment. Following the 1997/98 economic crisis, government budget deficits relative to GDP have broadly increased and this is of serious concern for ASEAN governments, particularly for Malaysia and the Philippines. Price instability has become a serious concern for Indonesia and the Philippines. Exchange rates in Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Myanmar have weakened significantly. Moreover, the rising levels of foreign debt in the Philippines and Indonesia could create additional uncertainties. In terms of the current account surplus as a proportion of GDP, the six older ASEAN members have broadly shown higher levels relative to Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV countries). Thus, in order to achieve a sound macroeconomic environment, ASEAN economies need to adopt a prudent fiscal policy, low inflation rates, stable exchange rates, and manageable levels of external debt and current account balance. Stable political and business environment. The political environment in some countries has been affected by military uprisings, kidnappings, bombings and other terrorist-related activities, peoples demonstrations, and elections. A 1997 survey of Japanese firms conducted by JETRO indicated that political stability is considered as the most significant determinant of Japanese investments in ASEAN. Thus Southeast Asian governments need to find ways and means towards achieving and maintaining a politically stable environment in order to encourage domestic and foreign investments. Social Harmony. ASEAN countries need to address issues such as conflicts between racial groups (e.g. the Chinese and pribumis in Indonesia, and the Chinese and bumiputras in Malaysia), between religious groups (e.g. the Muslims and Christians in Southern Philippines) and between the poor and rich. Despite all the policies and resources spent on alleviating poverty and reducing income inequality, unemployment, poverty and income inequality continue to be the major policy concerns of ASEAN governments. In reality, it is very difficult to reduce poverty and narrow the income gap given the interplay of politics, economics and industry, and the conflicting goals of the various interest groups in the economy like businesses, religious groups, the elite, farmers, small and medium entrepreneurs, etc. Thailands income gap between the rich and the poor was the widest in the world (Bangkok Post, 2S Aug 2003). In the Philippines, Gerard Clark and Marites Sison (2003) in their study titled liDo t he well-off really care about the plight of the poor? revealed that majority of the respondents suggested that some elite people cared while others did not; and those who did care did too little or acted primarily out of self-interest. In fact, there are some people in the superior group like the elite who wish the poor to remain poor because of the benefits that can be derived from their poverty. For instance, politicians often depend on the poor at elections time for support that propels them to political office. Economic Reforms. Southeast Asian governments need to continue implementing economic reforms that include market opening, trade, investment and financial liberalization. These reforms are particularly crucial for the CLMV countries as they undergo transition from centrally planned to market  ­oriented economies and for the crisis-hit countries especially Indonesia and Thailand. In the case of Indonesia, there was a lack of seriousness on the part of the political leadership to undertake economic reforms. For example, there were delays in the removal of tariff control and the privatization of state assets and enterprises, so that the process of reforms is reverting to protectionism. Furthermore, a delay in the IMFs financial assistance added to the ineffectiveness of Indonesias recovery programme. Thailand completed its 34-month Stand-By Arrangement from the IMF that formed part of an international financial package worth US$17.2 billion from multilateral and bilateral lenders. Outs tanding obligations at end-June 2002 amounted to US$6.4 billion and repayment was finally completed on July 31,2003, some two years ahead of schedule a significant achievement on the part of the Thai government. Economic Diversion. Various factors impel ASEAN economies to continue to diversify their economies: volatile and broadly declining primary commodity prices, depletion of non-renewable primary resources such as oil and gas, and the high costs of production. Following the decline in crude oil prices in the 1980s, Brunei and Indonesia have begun to diversify their economies from oil towards non-oil products and services (finance, tourism). Because of the high costs of production (e.g. high labour costs), Singapores economy has emphasised the significant contribution of the services sector (IT, education, tourism, finance). The services sector has accounted for about 60-70 per cent of Singapores GDP. Moreover, to improve the competitiveness of Singapores manufactured products and services, several cost-cutting measures have been implemented, namely, cuts in contribution rates for mandatory saving, reduction in corporate taxes, and reduction in utility charges. Long-run policies include t raining and re-training programmes for workers and greater focus on RD activities for innovations and improvement in technology. In Singapore, there are more than 600,000 workers with secondary education or lower. As such, it is extremely important that these workers upgrade their skills and learn new tasks to be more productive and to be more employable in the future. There are also other schemes such as the job re-design programmes implemented by the Singapore Productivity and Standards Board which involves changing both job content and arrangement to encourage workers to become more productive. Other ASEAN countries can learn from Singapores experiences with regard to cost-cutting measures, training and re-training programmes, and RD activities to improve productivity and competitiveness. Multi-Ethnic States. Multi-ethnicity is a dominant feature of the region and therefore stable inter-state ties and intra-state ethnic stability are closely intertwined. The region has to work toward the stability and security of strong, secular, federal multi- ethnic states if it is to remain secure and stable in the coming years. The Challenge of Democratisaton. The other key political challenge that confronts South East Asian nations is how to build stable, democratic state structures in condition of a rising tide of expectations for better life and greater liberty. Through much of Asia, the struggle between pressures for democratization against existing authoritarian state structures or oppressive socio-political conditions is a reality. Human rights abuses are common in many of the states. In Myanmar and Indonesia there is a rising pressure for political change and expansion of political rights. Militancy, insurgency and terrorism have wracked many parts of ASEAN region in the past and continue to do so even now. Only through steady democratization, decentralization and provision of caring and efficient governance can the integrity of state structures and stability be preserved. CHAPTER V Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. China perceives itself as a central power on Earth. The rest of the World is an array of greater and lesser powers which neither have unified structure nor a single head Macnall Mark[4] Chinas political and economic strategy are interlinked with the security relation that China shares with the Southeast Asia as a region. China embraced the Southeast Asian regionalism and of multilateralism with Southeast Asia is part of broader decision to jettison Chinas old confrontational policy and style. Chinese leaders officials turned this approach to South east Asia on its head replacing the assertiveness that characterized pre 1997 Chinese policy with accommodation. This concerted campaign assuaged South east Asian fears but also paved the way for South east Asian and Chinese to participate in and profit from this rapidly expanding economic ties. Chinese leaders and officials smoothly employed diplomacy in innumerable meeting with South east Asian counterparts to slowly and carefully win greater influence in south east Asia. The Chinese foreign policy community made a concerted effort to represent Chinas reemergence as a regional power. It portrayed recent trends as aligne d with the economic and security interests of its southern neighbors. China convinced the neighbors that it is not a threat. China employed the same set of instruments of Chinese national security policy at both multilateral level with ASEAN and bilateral level with individual ASEAN states albeit with differing effects in the countries concerned depending on their individual circumstances. It places contentious issues temporarily to the side, places processes before product and welcomes efforts to build EAST ASIAN community. Beijing binds the South East Asean countries with a spectrum of economic, political and cultural and security proposals. As Beijing courted its southern neighbors, it supplemented diplomacy with economic ties in terms of trade and economic investment. China opened China to overseas ethnic Chinese and invited ethnic Chinese Southeast Asians to invest in China and subsequently invited Southeast Asians. Rapid increases in the Southeast Asian- China trade led to ove rcome the financial crisis. Chinas economic success has been as impressive as its diplomatic campaign, because china and Southeast Asian countries have been competitors both FDI and for developed markets in Japan,Europe and the United States. Beijing has worked assiduously tp provide Southeast Asian economies with a stake in Chinas economic expansion thus stabilizing Chinas periphery and contributing to Chinas own economic growth. Chinas turn to multilateralism diplomacy was to compliment its intense bilateral diplomacy was timely. ASEAN grew during the 1990 and accommodated new countries and also in the due course of time it had not been able to respond to the financial crisis and also the turmoil in East Timor. Chinas help to ASEAN gave a new appearance to ASEAN. Multilateral diplomacy provided a two way street for ASEAN countries and China and provided measures to forge new bonds. ASEAN also History and Influences on South East Asia History and Influences on South East Asia CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION If there were only two men in the world, how would they get on? They would help one another, harm one another, flatter one another, slander one another, fight one another, make it up, they could neither live together nor do without one another Philosophical Dictionary, 1764 Increasing role of China in South Asia has attracted the attention of the policy framers as well as scholars. Its foreign policy towards Southeast Asia has varied from indifference to hostility, but Chinese interest in the region has persisted since 1949. While India occupies a vital position in the Chinese calculation, there are discernible variations in Chinese policy towards other states in the region. The behaviour of Southeast Asian states towards China has also varied. Notwithstanding the persistence of the Indian factor in their perceptions, we observe different response to Chinese behaviour and policy in these states. Chinese foreign policy is undergoing a metamorphosis never seen in the history of the Peoples Republic (PRC). The country has enjoyed a more secure place in the world than before, yet it has remained dissatisfied with its international status. Chinas quest for international legitimacy and a positive image is tested by its pursuit of security interests and the power politics logic of its own and other states. Chinese foreign policy strategy has equally stressed the need to protect its national interest in a threatening world and the struggle to remold the international environment in line with its preferences. Clearly PRC foreign policy is complicated, dynamic, and consequential. China has managed to become a rising star in the international arena, both politically and economically. The bipolar world order lasting for nearly half a century came eventually to an abrupt end in the closing months of the 1980s as a result of dramatic changes in Eastern Europe and the so-called post cold w ar era began in the final decade of this century. China has some motivations in the Southeast Asia one of these is China is in pursuit of hegemony[1] in the region, another possibility is primarily defensive an attempt to neutralize the region while China focuses on internal priorities and the third possibility is to have a cooperative structure. India is seeking an expanded role in the international Geo-political arena which includes Asia and Southeast Asia. Indias growing economy ,common energy security interests, national interest, and power projection makes India China a Peer competitor. Beijings current goal in southeast Asia is to maintain a stable environment around its periphery to assure others that China is not threat, and to encourage economic ties that contribute to Chinas economic modernization and thus regime stability. The foreign policy instruments that Beijing has employed to secure its goals are constituent throughout most of Southeast Asia, but the priorities assigned to different strategic goals vary depending on Chinas interest in different part of the region. CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east Asia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian Region.. Justification of the Study The most significant strategic development after the Cold War, is probably the sudden growth in Chinas economic potential and consequent national power. A rapid rise in power of a major country in the past has usually led to tension in the region, conflict with the neighbours and eventually a war. To make an assessment of Chinas posture well into the future is fraught with number of uncertainties. Equally, a projection of that role in the next century would, of necessity, demand an intimate acquaintance with how the Chinese have been involved in their dealings with this part of the world in the past. Above all, how that relationship has evolved, to the present day environment. Idea shall be to restrict the paper and sketch out important events in the near past, which have shaped the present and loom larger than the hoary past on the future that is yet in the limbo. The basic intention in writing this dissertation is To examine the current politico-economic influences in South east As ia and recommend measures for India to significantly expand its politico-economic strategic influence in the South East Asian region with a view to counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian . A direct question has been addressed whether or not China restricts India from emerging as a global player. Scope Axiomatically any meaningful discussion of Chinas role in Southeast Asia would imply an understanding of its relations with the Indian subcontinent as a whole. Of the worlds great powers, China is geographically the closest to the Southeast Asian countries. It has common borders with Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Caombodia. There is significant cultural similarities far reaching political and strategic repercussions over the past couple of centuries, and has propelled the worlds most populous regions into interaction in a wide variety of ways. From a simple geographical perspective, qualitative changes in the Chinas foreign policy should be expected if China grows from a medium-sized power to superpower. At its present rate of economic growth, Chinas productive capabilities and total wealth will soon outstrip those of the other Asian powers. As a weaker power, Chinas dependence on the favour of its neighbours has been comparatively high. But increased relative capabilities make i t feasible for a rising great power to exert greater control over its surroundings. If the opportunity arises to establish a dominant role in the region, China can be expected to seize it. Thus the scope of this paper has been restricted to Chinese dominance in the Southeast Asian region, which will pose vexing problems for India . An attempt has been made to analyse, how India can focus and counterbalance the overwhelming Chinese politico – economic dominance in the South East Asian. Organisation of Dissertation. The study is proposed to be dealt in the following sequence: Modern History strat influences in South East Asia. Political Economy of South East Asia. Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Indian political and economical strategy in South East Asia. Comparative Analysis of Indian Chinese politico-economic strategies in SE Asia. Recommended response of India to expand its influence in the region. CHAPTER III MODERN HISTORY AND STRATEGIC INFLUENCES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The post-Cold War world is seeing in some areas a resurgence of nationalism and in others a greater emphasis on regionalism. These two tendencies will overlap. In Southeast Asia national and ethnic differences were significantly blunted by European colonialism and in some cases have been further submerged in the post-colonial period of new nation states. But what is new in Southeast Asia is the development of voluntary (as distinct from externally mandated) cooperation on a sub-regional or regional level. Most recently there is the assertion of an Asian identity, shared by Southeast Asians, which is sharply distinguished from Western value systems, social norms and economic models. It is too early to say how far that will be taken or how much it will influence the political and social development of Southeast Asia. The very important differences between and indeed even within the Southeast Asian countries induces some skepticism in academic circles about the existence of Asian values [2] etc. But there is no doubt that there is a perception in the region of some essential shared values or priorities, and a rejection of what are seen as Western individualistic and libertarian values. An embryonic sense of shared interests transcending ethnic or national groups emerged in colonial times between independence movements, student movements and other groups, including notably the various Marxist-inspired or communist movements in the region. But until after the Pacific War there was little connection across the region. The colonial empires were very separate and governed on different principles. It is a common observation nowadays that Australia, on the fringe of the region, only recently and belatedly become aware of and involved with its Southeast Asian neighbors. That is true, though with some qualifications. There was peripheral contact in the north even before the Europeans colonized Australia. But in the colonial era there was no steady development of contact or interest. The shifting patterns of alliance politics in Europe affected such contacts as there were between the colonial administrations in Southeast Asia and Australia, and indeed between the Southeast A sian colonial administrations themselves. Australia was not unique, or even unusual, in having little contact with its neighbors and in having its external links directed principally along the lines laid down by the metropolitan power. What are now the independent nations of Southeast Asia also had little contact with each other during the European colonial period. Just as the lines of communication and trade ran from Melbourne and Sydney to London, so did those between the French, Dutch, and other British colonies and the respective metropolitan powers in Europe. Right up to the Pacific War there was little or no communication between, for example, what are now Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines. The links ran from Manila to the United States, from Batavia to the Netherlands, from Hanoi to France, and so on. It was the remarkable Japanese campaign which began at the end of 1941 which precipitated or accelerated the radical changes which took place between 1945 and the end of the Vietnam war. The sheer speed and success of the Japanese successes against numerically superior defending forces in Southeast Asia made a strong impression on opinion in the erstwhile colonies. The Japanese failed to capitalize on that in the sense that after early political successes in encouraging nationalist and pro-Japanese movements the appeal to shared Asian interests lost plausibility in the face of Japanese policies and actions which were exploitative or worse. Although Japan lost the war and left wounds in the region which are still not healed, the war precipitated the end of the moribund European colonial era, and accelerated the creation of independent states largely within borders established by the colonial empires. For some years trade and other economic links remained predominantly in the old colon ial grooves but with the economic supremacy of the United States and then with Japan embarked on decades of the highest rates of economic growth the world had yet seen, those patterns diversified. In the region the United States and Japan became the two most important outside powers and that was reflected inter alia by their leading roles in the setting up of the Asian Development Bank in 1966. By that time Australia[3] too had perforce diversified its trade away from Britain which had made it clear that it would seek its future economic arrangements in Europe and the Commonwealth arrangements which had supported much of Australias traditional export industry were phased out. Australia turned to Japan and others for new markets (a trade agreement with Japan had already been made in 1957). Australias development assistance programme had from the beginning concentrated on Southeast Asia and become and increasingly important instrument for involving this country with the region, especially as significant numbers of students from the region came to our universities and other institutions under the Colombo Plan and successor programmes.The failure of the attempted coup in Indonesia, the Gestapu of 30 September 1965, and the subsequent establishment of the New Order government there opened the way to overcome the regional or sub-regional strains produced by President Sukarnos eff orts to crush the newly-constructed Malaysia, as well as other tensions created or exacerbated by the Sukarno policies. In this climate ASEAN, the Association of South East Asian Nations, was established in 1967 and set out on its long and successful course of gradually building a sense of common interest and regional association among the six (originally five) members. ASEAN recently embarked on the development of AFTA, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement. ASEAN has become the key institution in Southeast Asia not only because of its success in developing a sense of community among its very disparate members, and in finding a road for them to closer economic cooperation. It has also become the forum for discussion with the main world powers on a wide range of matters. This has come about through an annual mechanism of post-Ministerial consultations held after ASEANs own internal consultations through which ASEAN member governments, at Foreign Minister level, meet with their counterparts. These counterparts, termed dialogue partners, currently are Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, the Republic of Korea, New Zealand and the United States. In 1994 discussions on regional security were further developed with the establishment of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) which groups ASEAN and its dialogue partners with Russia, China, Vietnam, Laos and Papua New Guinea. Looking at the recent evolution of Southeast Asia perhaps the most sig nificant thing has been the change that has occurred since the ending of the Cold War and the collapse of communism. Until relatively recently the centrally planned economy model had much attraction for many developing countries and there was up to the beginning of the eighties quite widespread aversion to capitalism and to the liberal market model as exemplified by the Western industrialized countries. Now virtually all of Southeast Asia is committed to market economics, albeit with more governmental political control than in the Western countries. There is a virtual unanimity about the commitment to economic development based on relatively open markets, private ownership and competition. With that has come a period of unprecedented economic growth. The major economies of Southeast Asia are all growing at rates previously thought unattainable for a sustained period. There are of course some uncertainties about the future; but there are few who doubt that Southeast Asia will early i n the twenty-first century be a major centre of economic power and influence. Southeast Asia has traditionally been a site of great power competition for regional dominance, due to its strategic location as a bridge between continental and maritime East Asia. To manage this competition and to enhance their own sub regional autonomy, the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) engaged in a number of regional institution building initiatives during the early 1990s. This institutionalism agenda led to speculation that ASEAN could become the hub of a nascent regional security community following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, however, the prospect that ASEAN could act as an autonomous entity to mitigate Sino-U.S. geopolitical pressures seemed increasingly tenuous. Weakened by political and economic instability, intra-regional disputes and a simultaneous expansion of its membership, ASEAN has come to question its own identity. This has only further undermined ASEAN-led regional security initiatives such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF ). More frequently, Southeast Asian states have favored bilateralism and have looked to external powers to realize their security interests. These changing sub regional dynamics have, in turn, prompted renewed efforts by China and the United States to cultivate influence within Southeast Asia. Chinas attempts to gain support for its new security concept and US efforts to secure additional access and infrastructure agreements along the East Asian littoral are illustrative. To some extent, Sino-U.S. geopolitical competition has been modified by strategic cooperation resulting from the war on terror. China still remains wary of U.S. attempts to engage Southeast Asia in countering global terrorism. These trends have, in turn, compelled analysts to reconceptualize the Southeast Asian security landscape in a balance of power context. It is clear continental Southeast Asian states have aligned with China and maritime Southeast Asian states have aligned with the United States. The geographi c position of China and the United States, and the evolution of their interests and military capabilities accordingly, make it unlikely that either country would seek to project power into the others respective sphere. Southeast Asian states maintain a position of equidistance between the great powers. She attributes this to the ASEAN states general distrust of great powers and their desire to maintain the delicate Sino-U.S. regional balance. CHAPTER IV POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SOUTH EAST ASIA China sleeps, when she wakes, the World will tremble Napoleon The South east Asian countries over the past four decades has transformed itself from a region with enormous economic and political problems to one blessed with relative peace and prosperity. In particular the five ASEAN economies, namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand , grew strongly in the 1960s with an average rate of 6 percent. This buoyant economic performance continued in the 1970s with 7.3 percent as they benefited from the massive inflows of the foreign exchange earnings due to sharp increase in the world price of primary commodities, including two oil shocks which benefited some of the members the same period. In the 1980s the region slowed down to an average growth rate of 6.1 percent. Regional economies experienced recessionary conditions due to high interest rate policy of the US Federal Reserve Bank, the consequent debt crisis in the region, the recession in the ASEANs major trading and investment partners, and the fall in the world prices of the primary commodities. But there was also a positive trend of influx of export- oriented foreign direct investment from Japan and the NIEs following the strong appreciation of their currencies. The recovery from 1991 to 1996 was followed by an economic contraction in 1997-98 due to the crisis which began in Thailand in July 1997 and spread to other parts of the region. In 1999-2000, the ASEAN economies staged a dramatic recovery with Singapore and Malaysia leading, things again turned sour with the September 11 attacks and the lackluster performance of the export sector. There was again a decrease in the economic growth due to the SARS, Iraq cri sis and terrorist related attacks, slump in the electronic market and collapse of the WTO talks in Cancun. The global economy is most rapid in emerging Asia where GDP accelerated to 7.2 percent in 2003, accounting for about 50 per cent of world growth. Looking forward, growth is projected to remain high at 7.4 per cent in 2004 and 7.0 per cent in 2005. The IMF stated that while domestic demand growth has increased significantly in emerging Asia, the regional current account surpluses remain very large, with exports supported by the rebound in the information technology (IT) sector as well as depreciating exchange rates. In the ASEAN-4, Thailand has shown the strongest expansion at 6.7 per cent in 2003, and is expected to remain high at 7 per cent in 2004 and 6.7 per cent in 2005. Cyclical considerations and high levels of public debt necessitate fiscal prudence for Thai authorities. The Malaysian economy is also recovering strongly and is expected to continue with inflation and unemployment remaining at low levels. However, the main policy priorities are the implementation of the announced fiscal consolidation to achieve a balanced budget by the year 2006 and greater exchange rate flexibility accompanied with suitable macroeconomic policies. Indonesias modest growth continues to be driven by private consumption, and has been accompanied with lower inflation. The Indonesian government should continue to implement its planned fiscal consolidation. Moreover, it needs to sustain banking, legal and judicial reforms in order to provide a better investment climate conducive to higher growth. As for the Philippines, uncertainties remain high even after the May 2, 2004 presidential elections. The main concerns of the Philippine government include increasing the tax revenues, restructuring the power sector, strengthening the banking sector, and improving the business system. Following the SARS crisis, the Singapore economy recovered in 2003 with supportive macroeconomic policies. To enhance its medium-term competitiveness and growth prospects, the IMF recommends a deepening and acceleration of reforms including further divestment of government  ­linked companies Issues and Challenges for Southeast Asian/ASEAN Domestic policy issues and challenges. On the domestic front, the growth prospects for ASEAN are very much dependent on various factors including the ability of their respective governments to provide economic, political and social stability, implement economic reforms, and diversify their economies. ASEAN policy makers thus face the following challenges: Sound macroeconomic environment. Following the 1997/98 economic crisis, government budget deficits relative to GDP have broadly increased and this is of serious concern for ASEAN governments, particularly for Malaysia and the Philippines. Price instability has become a serious concern for Indonesia and the Philippines. Exchange rates in Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Myanmar have weakened significantly. Moreover, the rising levels of foreign debt in the Philippines and Indonesia could create additional uncertainties. In terms of the current account surplus as a proportion of GDP, the six older ASEAN members have broadly shown higher levels relative to Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV countries). Thus, in order to achieve a sound macroeconomic environment, ASEAN economies need to adopt a prudent fiscal policy, low inflation rates, stable exchange rates, and manageable levels of external debt and current account balance. Stable political and business environment. The political environment in some countries has been affected by military uprisings, kidnappings, bombings and other terrorist-related activities, peoples demonstrations, and elections. A 1997 survey of Japanese firms conducted by JETRO indicated that political stability is considered as the most significant determinant of Japanese investments in ASEAN. Thus Southeast Asian governments need to find ways and means towards achieving and maintaining a politically stable environment in order to encourage domestic and foreign investments. Social Harmony. ASEAN countries need to address issues such as conflicts between racial groups (e.g. the Chinese and pribumis in Indonesia, and the Chinese and bumiputras in Malaysia), between religious groups (e.g. the Muslims and Christians in Southern Philippines) and between the poor and rich. Despite all the policies and resources spent on alleviating poverty and reducing income inequality, unemployment, poverty and income inequality continue to be the major policy concerns of ASEAN governments. In reality, it is very difficult to reduce poverty and narrow the income gap given the interplay of politics, economics and industry, and the conflicting goals of the various interest groups in the economy like businesses, religious groups, the elite, farmers, small and medium entrepreneurs, etc. Thailands income gap between the rich and the poor was the widest in the world (Bangkok Post, 2S Aug 2003). In the Philippines, Gerard Clark and Marites Sison (2003) in their study titled liDo t he well-off really care about the plight of the poor? revealed that majority of the respondents suggested that some elite people cared while others did not; and those who did care did too little or acted primarily out of self-interest. In fact, there are some people in the superior group like the elite who wish the poor to remain poor because of the benefits that can be derived from their poverty. For instance, politicians often depend on the poor at elections time for support that propels them to political office. Economic Reforms. Southeast Asian governments need to continue implementing economic reforms that include market opening, trade, investment and financial liberalization. These reforms are particularly crucial for the CLMV countries as they undergo transition from centrally planned to market  ­oriented economies and for the crisis-hit countries especially Indonesia and Thailand. In the case of Indonesia, there was a lack of seriousness on the part of the political leadership to undertake economic reforms. For example, there were delays in the removal of tariff control and the privatization of state assets and enterprises, so that the process of reforms is reverting to protectionism. Furthermore, a delay in the IMFs financial assistance added to the ineffectiveness of Indonesias recovery programme. Thailand completed its 34-month Stand-By Arrangement from the IMF that formed part of an international financial package worth US$17.2 billion from multilateral and bilateral lenders. Outs tanding obligations at end-June 2002 amounted to US$6.4 billion and repayment was finally completed on July 31,2003, some two years ahead of schedule a significant achievement on the part of the Thai government. Economic Diversion. Various factors impel ASEAN economies to continue to diversify their economies: volatile and broadly declining primary commodity prices, depletion of non-renewable primary resources such as oil and gas, and the high costs of production. Following the decline in crude oil prices in the 1980s, Brunei and Indonesia have begun to diversify their economies from oil towards non-oil products and services (finance, tourism). Because of the high costs of production (e.g. high labour costs), Singapores economy has emphasised the significant contribution of the services sector (IT, education, tourism, finance). The services sector has accounted for about 60-70 per cent of Singapores GDP. Moreover, to improve the competitiveness of Singapores manufactured products and services, several cost-cutting measures have been implemented, namely, cuts in contribution rates for mandatory saving, reduction in corporate taxes, and reduction in utility charges. Long-run policies include t raining and re-training programmes for workers and greater focus on RD activities for innovations and improvement in technology. In Singapore, there are more than 600,000 workers with secondary education or lower. As such, it is extremely important that these workers upgrade their skills and learn new tasks to be more productive and to be more employable in the future. There are also other schemes such as the job re-design programmes implemented by the Singapore Productivity and Standards Board which involves changing both job content and arrangement to encourage workers to become more productive. Other ASEAN countries can learn from Singapores experiences with regard to cost-cutting measures, training and re-training programmes, and RD activities to improve productivity and competitiveness. Multi-Ethnic States. Multi-ethnicity is a dominant feature of the region and therefore stable inter-state ties and intra-state ethnic stability are closely intertwined. The region has to work toward the stability and security of strong, secular, federal multi- ethnic states if it is to remain secure and stable in the coming years. The Challenge of Democratisaton. The other key political challenge that confronts South East Asian nations is how to build stable, democratic state structures in condition of a rising tide of expectations for better life and greater liberty. Through much of Asia, the struggle between pressures for democratization against existing authoritarian state structures or oppressive socio-political conditions is a reality. Human rights abuses are common in many of the states. In Myanmar and Indonesia there is a rising pressure for political change and expansion of political rights. Militancy, insurgency and terrorism have wracked many parts of ASEAN region in the past and continue to do so even now. Only through steady democratization, decentralization and provision of caring and efficient governance can the integrity of state structures and stability be preserved. CHAPTER V Chinese political and economical strategy in South East Asia. China perceives itself as a central power on Earth. The rest of the World is an array of greater and lesser powers which neither have unified structure nor a single head Macnall Mark[4] Chinas political and economic strategy are interlinked with the security relation that China shares with the Southeast Asia as a region. China embraced the Southeast Asian regionalism and of multilateralism with Southeast Asia is part of broader decision to jettison Chinas old confrontational policy and style. Chinese leaders officials turned this approach to South east Asia on its head replacing the assertiveness that characterized pre 1997 Chinese policy with accommodation. This concerted campaign assuaged South east Asian fears but also paved the way for South east Asian and Chinese to participate in and profit from this rapidly expanding economic ties. Chinese leaders and officials smoothly employed diplomacy in innumerable meeting with South east Asian counterparts to slowly and carefully win greater influence in south east Asia. The Chinese foreign policy community made a concerted effort to represent Chinas reemergence as a regional power. It portrayed recent trends as aligne d with the economic and security interests of its southern neighbors. China convinced the neighbors that it is not a threat. China employed the same set of instruments of Chinese national security policy at both multilateral level with ASEAN and bilateral level with individual ASEAN states albeit with differing effects in the countries concerned depending on their individual circumstances. It places contentious issues temporarily to the side, places processes before product and welcomes efforts to build EAST ASIAN community. Beijing binds the South East Asean countries with a spectrum of economic, political and cultural and security proposals. As Beijing courted its southern neighbors, it supplemented diplomacy with economic ties in terms of trade and economic investment. China opened China to overseas ethnic Chinese and invited ethnic Chinese Southeast Asians to invest in China and subsequently invited Southeast Asians. Rapid increases in the Southeast Asian- China trade led to ove rcome the financial crisis. Chinas economic success has been as impressive as its diplomatic campaign, because china and Southeast Asian countries have been competitors both FDI and for developed markets in Japan,Europe and the United States. Beijing has worked assiduously tp provide Southeast Asian economies with a stake in Chinas economic expansion thus stabilizing Chinas periphery and contributing to Chinas own economic growth. Chinas turn to multilateralism diplomacy was to compliment its intense bilateral diplomacy was timely. ASEAN grew during the 1990 and accommodated new countries and also in the due course of time it had not been able to respond to the financial crisis and also the turmoil in East Timor. Chinas help to ASEAN gave a new appearance to ASEAN. Multilateral diplomacy provided a two way street for ASEAN countries and China and provided measures to forge new bonds. ASEAN also

Wednesday, November 13, 2019

A Very Brief History on the Existence of God Essay -- Philosophy, Des

The subsequent essay will provide a brief overview on the existence of God from Renà © Descartes through Immanuel Kant. First, section (1), examines Descartes’ proof for the existence of God. Section (2), explores G.W. Leibniz’s view on God’s existence in addition to his attempts to rectify the shortcomings of Descartes’ proofs. The remainder of the essay then examines two additional philosophers, David Hume in section (4) and Immanuel Kant in (5), who contend that God’s existence cannot be rationally proven. (1) As a devout Catholic, Descartes undeniably believed in God. He makes his faith clear in the letter of dedication preceding Meditations on First Philosophy. Here, Descartes writes that we must â€Å"believe in God’s existence because it is taught in the Holy Scriptures, and, conversely, that we must believe in the Holy Scriptures because they have come from God† (Descartes, 1). Nevertheless, in the beginning of the Meditations, Descartes casts doubt on everything -including religion- in his search for absolute certainty. In the Third Meditation, he doubts the existence of God before providing his first rationalistic proof for the existence of God. In offering the proof, he first questions â€Å"whether there is a God† (25). However, even though he questions God’s very existence, Descartes maintains his innate idea of God. After some deliberation, he concludes that because he has an innate idea of God, (which is not fabricated by the mind or drawn from the senses), it must be God who endowed him with his innate idea. Descartes likens his innate idea of God to the â€Å"mark of a craftsmen impressed upon his work† –similar to a stamp which says ‘Made by God’. Additionally, Descartes reasons that because he exists as a thinking thing and ... ...od to exist. As the above has illustrated, both Descartes and Leibniz believed that the existence of God could be proved via reason. But, Hume and Kant, which will be subsequently covered, did not believe argumentation or reason could establish the existence of God (3) David Hume attacks both Descartes’ and Leibniz’s methodology for establishing the existence of God in the following: â€Å"there is an evident absurdity in pretending to demonstrate a matter of fact, or to prove it by any arguments a priori. Nothing is demonstrable, unless the contrary implies a contradiction. Nothing, that is distinctly conceivable, implies a contradiction. Whatever we conceive as existent, we can also conceive as non-existent. There is no being, therefore, whose non-existence implies a contradiction. Consequently there is no being, whose existence is demonstrable† (Bailey, 79).

Monday, November 11, 2019

A Cup of Hot Tea Essay

A cup Of Hot tea Tea is a kind of drink. We get It from leaves. Now-a-days it Is popular drink in the world. where grows: Tea grows well in the hilly places where rain water can not stand at all. It grows in Bangladesh, India, China and Japan. In Bangladesh it grows well in the hilly areas Sylhet and Chittagong. How grown: Tree plants grow seeds. Seeds are shown in March; seedlings are planted In rows five feet apart. They are regularly prunced and allowed to grow only four or five feet high. How gathered: When tree lants are four years of age, leaves are plucked three or four times a year. The leaves are first dried in the sun and roested in fire. Thus the leaves are ready for use and sale. How prepared: At firest water Is boiled in a pot. Tea leaves are put Into boiling water. After three or four minutes it Is poured into cups through a sieve. The suger and milk is mixed with it. Thus it becomes a good drink. usefulness: Tea is a useful drink to us. Refreshes body and mind. Gives us energy to work. It also helps us o keep awake. Taking tea three times a day Is healthy for healt While gossiping with our friends and relatives we can not heardly think without a cup of hot tea. It brings a new mood of gossiping And In our country it is an important crop also. Demerites: Tea is not always good for healt. Too much of it is bad for health. It kills our hunger. The Importance of tea In our national economy Is very great. It Conjunslon: brings a good deal of foreign money every year. So we should take care of better production of tea.

Saturday, November 9, 2019

Relationships: Online Dating vs. Long Distance Dating

There is no doubt single people are willing to try anything to find their romantic partner. It depends on how far they are willing to go. People date because it helps them to get to know each other. If they are interested in each other they can build a relationship. Meanwhile, there are different methods used when meeting someone. Online dating and establishing a long distance relationship are just a couple of methods to building a relationship. â€Å"In the U. S. alone, tens of millions of people are trying to find dates or spouses online every day. † (Epstein, 2007). Many people prefer online dating because they can quickly search through millions of available candidates. Online dating have many advantages. With online dating you are able to look at different peoples’ profile. This option allows you automatically eliminate the people you don’t find interest in. Also, online dating have low tolerance for foul language. There is a membership expense for joining an online dating site on certain web sites. â€Å"Other dating sites will not charge you a membership fee but will charge you posting personal ads. † ( Hardy para 2). Compared to online dating, long distance relationships have some similarities. There is no physical or face to face contact on a daily basis. Regardless of the lack of physical companionship, these relationships establish an emotional connection. Online dating and long distance relationships are beneficial if you enjoy having more time for yourself. You may have to travel a lengthy distance to see each other. This can also be costly depending on if your means of travel will be a train, bus, or airplane. In contrast, long distance relationships can cost a lot more than an online relationship. The latest issue of Women’s Health magazine has an article about long-distance relationships featuring this interesting statistic: An average total amount of $278 is spent a month by couples to keep love alive in a long distance relationship. † (no author,2006). In a long distance relationship you typically know the individual you are in a relationship with. However, getting seperate d for reasons, the test of true commitment is far more real than online dating. Online dating have imagine deception not recognized until you meet for the first time. Author Robert Esptein met a woman he corresponded with online. They agreed to meet at a coffee shop, but she was not the same woman in the online photo when she showed up at the table. (paraphrased para 2). Thus, online dating and long distance relationships share common interest of people wanting to get to know each other. It could both be good or bad. You have to find what dating method works out for you. If you are shy person or used of getting rejected, then online dating might work for you. You could avoid the embarrassment of being let down. Long distance relationships give you more time to spend with yourself. Although both online dating and long distance have their own category of expenses finding what method that will work for you will make you more at ease. Meanwhile, the effort people are willing to go for romance will eventually have some kind of distance involved, whether it would be online or long distance. â€Å" More than 120,000 marriages occur a year as a result of online dating. Growth of online dating industry estimated at $642 million in 2008. † (Silva-Behrens, Nguyen, Queen, Ayala) References Ayala,C., Behrens, L., Nguyen, G., Queen, M. (2009). Online dating statistics-docstoc -documents. Retrieved from www.docstoc.com Epstein, R. (2007). The truth about online dating. Retrieved from www.scientific american.com Hardy, M. (2006) Understanding no membership free personals/love to know Retrieved from www.dating.lovetoknow.com Women’s Health (2006). Cost of a long-distance relationship. Retrieved from www.myopenwallet.net

Wednesday, November 6, 2019

Araby essays

Araby essays After a close examination of the short story Araby by James Joyce, several instances of religious symbolism seem to be intertwined throughout the story. The story unfolds from the viewpoint of a young child while simultaneously raising moral questions representative of a much more mature Joyce. This enlightened perspective allows for some very intricate examples of symbolism. Although the symbolism can be observed on two very different levels, the primary goal of this essay shall be to explore the symbolism as seen through the eyes of Joyce as an adult. This symbolism is painted with religious overtones that evidently stem from Joyces adolescence. Through the use of symbolism, James Joyce raises many questions concerning his childhood, while also telling the story of a young boys journey from romance to despair and disillusionment brought about by a young girls unintentional taunts. Araby, in its simplest form is the story of a young boys first experience concerning infatuation with the opposite sex. Although, lurking under this inconspicuous facade are questions that plagued Joyce throughout his life. These questions primarily concern Joyces rearing in Catholicism and the beliefs the church encouraged in opposition to his true feelings. This moral dilemma is expressed through symbolism that occurs in several interactions between the storys central character and the world around him. In the opening line of the story, Joyce describes the street he lives on as being blind(Vesterman 7). This lack of sight indicates that the street is a dead end. He goes on to describe the houses occupying its sides as gazed(ing) at one another with brown imperturbable faces(Vesterman 7). These houses reflect the attitudes of their inhabitants, who seem satisfied and content with their lives. The unchanging people seem as though they are strictly catholic and extremely ...

Monday, November 4, 2019

Intravenous Drug Users Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Intravenous Drug Users - Assignment Example This paper will focus on the on the vulnerability of the youths towards intravenous drug abuse. The most vulnerable population of this abuse is the youth’s offenders this is according to the study carried out in South Australia. These youths are mostly found in areas that are densely populated. Lack of good storage techniques of syringes encourages intravenous drug use among the youths. Statistics indicate that there is less use of drugs in youths that are under the care of the parents than those that are on the streets. An assessment was carried out among the youths to acquire appropriate data on the usage of drugs. Most youths were not ready to comply with this assessment. It was later found that intravenous drug abuse is most common among the youths of the age between 14-19 years old (Chin 133). The youths seem to abuse drugs more than the adults. Substance abuse increases with an increase in age. Male youths have been reported to abuse drugs more than women. This abuse amo ng youth’s emanates from environmental factors and also social factors. Intravenous drug users get to learn from there peers. Youths who reside in urban centers are reported to be the most vulnerable towards drug abuse. These youths are influenced into substance abuse by those individuals that have a close connection to the drugs. ... A study carried out in Canada proved that the high spread of substance abuse was due to the high level of homelessness among the youths. Therefore, this homeless children resort to staying in the streets where they are lured into substance use. Others participate in transportation or selling of these drugs to earn a living (Chin 139). Another contributing factor to the usage of drugs is stress among the youths who later resort to abuse of drugs. Adults play a role in fueling drug use among the use for instance ignorance among parents on their children’s welfare, there are adults who encourage intravenous drug use by selling drugs and syringes to the youths. Abuse of drugs has had negative far reaching effects on the youth population. Most cases of HIV/AIDS has been caused due to substance abuse. Unplanned pregnancies have also bee caused by substance abuse therefore leading to production of children by children. Intravenous drug abuse is sometimes caused by an individualâ€⠄¢s ignorance. Most youths are adamant to the teachings and blind to the negative effects that accrue from substance abuse. Another reason to the high substance abuse is school drop outs. Most undisciplined students drop out of school to engage in substance abuse. They do not care about the effects of these drugs to their health. Effects of intravenous drug abuse have been made known worldwide therefore; the youth’s engagement in this act cannot be blamed to the environmental factors but rather themselves (McCarthy 16). Research is very important in shaping ones attitudes. The bias that has been formed against the intravenous drug users can be changed through research. This is because we get to learn different factors that lead to substance abuse among the youths. An individual will be able

Saturday, November 2, 2019

Analyze and interpret the piece answering the appropriate questions Essay

Analyze and interpret the piece answering the appropriate questions from the Questions to Ask of Art - Essay Example This paper basically analyzes the first movement, which follows the â€Å"Adagio sostenuto (slow and sustained)† tempo, which is played in â€Å"pianissimo (very soft)† with the loudest tune being â€Å"mezzoforte† (Miller 2). The song follows a â€Å"dotted rhythm melody† and comprises the technique of â€Å"lamentation,† which is accompanied by a â€Å"triplet rhythm ostinato† (Miller 2). The song makes use of a sole instrument, the pedalier piano, with no additional instruments or voices performing the piece. While analyzing the song, composed in sonata form, a listener notices a second theme at 1:10, the development which starts around 1:51 and the recapitulation  at 3:04. Interestingly, there is a transition between different keys, however the basic melody and rhythm remain the same, thus giving the â€Å"impression of grave meditation† (Miller 2). The Moonlight Sonata was published and performed in the year â€Å"1802,† and dedicated to Beethoven’s beloved, his seventeen year old pupil â€Å"Countess Giulietta Guicciardi,† (Miller 2). Listening to this piece of music truly makes me understand why it has grown so popular since its composition more than 200 years ago. The unusual form of the composition makes it standout from other sonatas and I agree with Rellstab, as he says that the song reminds him of a â€Å"boat visiting, by moonlight, the primitive landscapes of Lake Lucerne† (Silverman 15). Although I have not visited that particular lake, I can still relate to that image and the song somehow inspires in me a feeling of self reflection, where I want to revisit the painful events of my past and simply let go of them. This composition is truly a work of art that portrays the internal struggles Beethoven faced with his hearing loss. Across the Universe is a hit song from the album ‘No One’s Gonna Change Our World,’ released by The Beatles on 1969. There are different versions to the song, however, the psychedelic folk appeal coupled